The Other Pronouns

There’s been a lot of focus, including in my last post, on the question of pronouns recently, leading to peculiar responses such as where people say they “don’t have pronouns” or “don’t want to use pronouns”. This is weirdly ignorant but possibly reflects too strong a focus on a particular aspect of pronouns. Because of the way English works, most of this focus is on the third person and singular number versus the plural number, because English pronouns only explicitly express what we think of as gender in the third person. It could be said that there is some gendering of other pronouns, for instance I wouldn’t be surprised if married women are more likely to say “we” when referring to themselves than married men are, but the fact remains that we don’t perceive this variation much.

Today, though, I want to focus on the other pronouns, both personal and otherwise, because they tend to be lost in the heat of battle but are nonetheless interesting. These other pronouns, though not gendered in English, often are in other languages, but their gender is not the main thing I want to mention, because, to quote myself, “it’s the least interesting thing about them”. Well, usually. I will actually start with that though, and with the personal pronouns.

The basic system many languages have of personal pronouns is that they have singular and plural each of the first, second and third person: I, we, thou, you, it and they. English is unusual in this respect in that it lacks “thou”, more or less. Many languages have distinct polite and informal versions of “you” and distinct singular and plural versions of “you”, which can overlap such that plural “you” is often also polite “you”.

Urgh. I said I wasn’t going to discuss gender but I will because it’s worth getting it out of the way. In English we’re used to the third person singular pronouns being kind of gendered but actually not really. I’ll demonstrate. If for some reason we wanted to use “she”, “it” and “he” with an adjective, it wouldn’t vary according to that pronoun. Attributive adjectives are ungrammatical in English, but predicatives are very common, although in many Western European languages those don’t vary for gender. So, we say “she is tall” and “he is short”, but in French we’d add an “-e” for the feminine adjective. This happens, so far as I can tell, only with hair colour in English: a woman is blonde or brunette but a man is blond or brunet, and to be honest if I ever see the word “brunet” written down I shall be very surprised indeed. It doesn’t even extend to other hair colours such as “white”, “red”, “auburn” or whatever. It’s also annoying because it defines women by hair colour. This is basically the only time we can be even remotely said to use grammatical gender. Oh, actually I’m wrong: it crops up in the fossilised phrase “lady chapel” because that actually means the chapel belonging to The Lady, and is not “lady’s chapel”, so that’s a gender distinction. That’s it though, and in fact most people would probably perceive “brunette” and “brunet” as different words rather than the same word with a different ending.

One distinction we lack in English is gender in the second and first pronouns. This occurs in Spanish but in that it almost feels like an afterthought, and doesn’t occur in all cases. In other languages they generally seem to be fully-fledged pronouns as simple and short as each other, as opposed to having adjectives appended to them as in Spanish. As I’ve said, I won’t dwell on this.

In Old English, and even into early Middle English, there were dual personal pronouns, to refer to two people, as “wit”/”unc” and “git” (pronounced “yit”)/”inc”, the possessives being “uncer” and “incer”. Dual pronouns reappear in Tok Pisin, the Pidgin English of Papua, in a different form, and in Bislama, spoken in Vanu Atu, there’s also a trial form, but there’s a further complication with these so I won’t mention them yet. Gothic dual personal pronouns were “wit” and “jut”. In modern Icelandic, although the form of the dual pronouns survive, their sense doesn’t. They’re plural, and I think the original plural forms are now the polite forms of the pronouns but I might have misremembered. I personally think dual personal pronouns are very useful and I still use them in my diary as it often seems weird to use a plural for when there are only two of something. Dual third person pronouns have not been found in any recorded Germanic language, or in Latin. In Gothic, the verbs also have a dual conjugation for the first and second person, but this has never been found in English.

Something I meant to say last time but didn’t is that the operation of plural nouns sometimes looks quite like gender in English. “Scissors”, “glasses” and “trousers” for example refer to singular objects but use the plural. It seems slightly odd that “bra” is singular, since it could be “brum”, with “bra” as a plural if the etymology is ignored. These uses of the plural for singular objects involves “they” and only seems to happen when there is a duality to the item in question, so it’s like a trace of the dual although in fact it isn’t because there are genuine traces of the dual in English and even in modern pronouns, which again I’ll come to.

English has separate personal and demonstrative third person pronouns. Some other languages combine the two. The demonstratives are “this”, “that”, “these” and “those” and correspond in English also to the older words for “the” in the non-instrumental sense. Latin, Spanish and many other languages have three demonstratives, corresponding to the three persons, as in “hoc” (this by me), “iste” (that by you) and “id” (that over there). English gets by with just two, “this” and “that”. Remarkably, I think anyway although I’ve never come across anyone else mentioning it, Gothic has only one demonstrative in spite of generally making the finest distinctions of all Germanic languages: “þata”, which means both “this” and “that”. It’s the only language I’m aware of which only has one. Spanish does the same as Latin, with “eso”, “esto” and “aquel”, but as with some other Romance languages the referents have changed somewhat. There’s a language in Papua whose demonstrative pronouns refer to things like “towards the mountain”, “towards the lake” and so forth and there are very many of them. I thought this was Alamblak but apparently that just does the same as Spanish and Latin although its counting is peculiar, being based on 1, 2, 5 and 20 multiplied and added in various ways.

The real ‘Flowers For Algernon‘ personal pronouns for me are the inclusive and exclusive first person plurals. I found out about this distinction when I was about eleven and ever since it’s felt like a niggling but major problem for the English language. Remarkably, the vast majority of Indo-European languages get along without the distinction. It’s very simple, although I should warn you, you can’t unsee it once you know: many languages distinguish between “we but not you” and “you and I”. Austronesian languages such as Indonesian make this distinction, as do Dravidian languages. In the former case they also have an extra, dual number, meaning that there are five first person pronouns as opposed to the English two. I honestly can’t understand why we haven’t got these. It has been noted, though, that Indo-European words for “we” fall into two categories: ones of the “we” form and ones of the “nous” form. This suggests that clusivity did once exist in Proto-Indo-European but it didn’t even survive until the earliest form of the separate branches. Under the influence of Dravidian, some Indian languages do have this distinction although it isn’t related to these forms. I would say Papuan languages have this, but the thing about them is that there are hundreds and they vary a lot, so it’s possible to find many features in them which are present sporadically throughout the world.

This next bit is a bit mind-boggling in a peculiar way. It is technically possible for “you” to be inclusive or exclusive! This is interestingly difficult to think about. When one talks to someone, one says “thou” or “you”, but the “you”, being dual or plural, could refer to both or all the people one is addressing or it could refer to the people present and also to people not present. For instance, one could talk to a person and their partner, or one could talk to a person as part of the couple when the other person isn’t present. This apparently never happens though, even though it’s possible, and it’s thought by some linguists that this category of personal pronoun is impossible for the human mind to conceive of sufficiently clearly to exist. This raises further questions as to the nature of language. One linguist claims that this distinction is present in a critically-endangered language spoken in Vanu Atu called Southeast Ambryn, spoken by about three thousand people. I don’t think it’s that one can’t conceive of it. To me it seems simpler than split ergativity to get my head round. It’s more that someone who knows such a language would have to keep doing it, and as such it might inform issues around pronouns and gender identity, particularly xenopronouns.

Another confounding fact is that there are sometimes exclusive and inclusive words for “I”, kind of. Where there’s a regular way in which duals and plurals can be related to singular pronouns, it’s possible for the two versions of “wit” and “we” to be extrapolated back to “I” and continue to give two forms. That probably isn’t very clear, so I’ll illustrate with fake English pronouns. Suppose we had exclusive and inclusive versions of “we”, such as “wee” and “nee”, and then “yee” for “you”, and the vowel changes in all of them to “oo” in the singular, so “yoo” could be the singular word for “you”. There could then be “woo” and “noo” for the inclusive and exclusive words for “I”. Samoan does this. Its plural inclusive “we” is “mātou” and exclusive “tātou”, the duals are “mā‘ua,” and “tā‘ua” and the singulars “a‘u” and “tā”, although some of these pronouns have variants. Interestingly, you might think that if a number were to collapse into another one to simplify a language, the dual and the plural would merge, but in Samoan the dual and the singular merge instead. “Tā” can mean “I” or “we two”. The exclusive “I” is the usual word, and the inclusive “I” indicates emotional involvement, so for example in “am I going to get one then?”, we use the word “then” to signal emotional involvement, and translating that into Samoan would use the word “tā” and omit “then”. In the closely related Tongan, it’s more connected with modesty and is similar to how posh people use the word “one” in English for “I”.

There’s also a fourth person in some languages, known as the obviative. This is actually not only obviative but obvious, and I used to wonder why it doesn’t happen in English in particular. The obviative contrasts with the proximate, which is the only option in most European languages. It crosses over with the idea of topic prominence, and involves a distinction between more and less important items, so for example, “did you put the food on the table?” where the food is the focus, is “did you put it (PROX) on it (OBV)?” but if it was a table as opposed to a kitchen counter and that was the emphasis, “table” would be the proximate and the food obviative. Presumably this is less important in languages with gender, but as a language without gender it’s seemed odd that we don’t have it. This feeling, unlike the clusivity issue, actually pre-dates any knowledge I had of languages other than English, rather like my daughter’s abortive used of numerical classifiers when she was a toddler, and it makes me wonder how often young children stumble upon features of language absent from their native ones and then reject them as their ability in their first language improves.

English has the distinct and separate reflexive pronouns ending in “-self” and “-selves”. These vary in the third person with dialect, such that “hisself” and “theirselves” is sometimes used in non-standard English consistent with the other pronouns being possessive rather than objective. In many other languages these either don’t exist or the objective forms are used, and in some there is a specific dedicated pronoun for this purpose. In Scandinavian languages this pronoun has become part of the verb and provides them with a mediopassive voice, replacing an older mediopassive found in Gothic. The fact that our own reflexive pronouns are so long means we’re unlikely to develop this way of expressing anything from verbs this way, although the potential used to exist.

The other pronouns also exist. In particular, the English distinction between “who” and “what” is peculiar for our language in that it’s similar to a common vs neuter distinction rather than there being three gender-like forms here. We tend to get confused about “whom” and there seems to be incipient reluctance to say “whose” instead of “of which” or something similar when the referent is inanimate. I said I was going to return to the dual number. In fact this does have some traces in English, and one of these is found in the word “whether”. Nowadays this is used as a conjunction, but it clearly looks a bit like “either” and a bit like “which”, “either” and “neither” being other traces of the dual. “Whether” was previously the dual version of “which”, which has taken over its meaning. There are other remnants too, such as “both” instead of “all”, the slightly vague “couple” and less vague “pair”, and the more contentious “alternative” which can only correctly refer to one of two rather than one of many. Trial pronouns exist in Bislama and Tok Pisin, and also in some Austronesian languages. Lihir also has a paucal number for small numbers of items above three. Paucal seems more obvious than trial and just plain having a plural to me but it’s rare in reality. Sursurunga was thought to have a quadral number but in fact it simply starts to use a different kind of paucal at four and has a “lesser” paucal for two or three, so in fact there seem to be no languages at all, at least right now, with a quadral number.

Vietnamese, I recently discovered through a relative, has a large number of personal pronouns which relate to status and familial relationship, making distinctions which English doesn’t even make with kinship terms. These are all in the second person. Like Japanese and Indonesian/Malay, Vietnamese has formal and informal versions of the first person singular pronoun. The Malay/Indonesian polite word for “I” originally meant “slave”.

There are no languages which don’t have at least two numbers for one or more pronouns. That’s a linguistic universal. However, there are many which manage without what most languages seem to consider vital, including English with its single word for “you”. German shows that it’s possible to get away with a single word for “you”, “she” and “they”, although it doesn’t actually do this most of the time, with “Sie” and “sie”. It probably manages because the verb is inflected differently. Spanish and Portuguese have both adopted noun phrases for polite second person pronouns, namely “Vuestra Merced” and “a senhora”/”o senhor” respectively, and American Spanish rarely uses “tu” and “vosotros”/”vosotras”. Mandarin Chinese substitutes the word for “humble” for the first person singular and “honour” for the second person in polite speech. This is paralleled in the considerably more elaborate Japanese system. In fact it’s been argued that Japanese doesn’t actually have pronouns as such. It’s a topic-prominent language which tends to drop pronouns and nouns often start being used as pronouns which weren’t before. Several other East Asian languages are like this. Indonesian uses the word “tidak” (“thing”) for “it” when “it” refers to something as opposed to in a phrase like “it’s raining”. There’s also the very common phenomenon of pro-drop, which occurs in many European languages whose verbs are sufficiently inflected for the person to be indicated by them. Outside Europe, for instance in Swahili, verbs can be inflected for object, and even indirect object, as well as subject, meaning that a word such as “nitaiosha” means “I will wash it” (in Japanese, incidentally, this same word means “similar company”. There’s a group of unrelated languages whose words can sometimes be identical, Finnish being another.). Pronoun dropping is foreign to all Germanic languages as far as I know except possibly Gothic, although we do have pronoun avoidance. For instance, we sometimes consider “she” and “it” to be rude when referring to human adults.

This brings up the issue of how to avoid pronouns for political reasons, i.e. anti-sexism. English has difficulty with this in regular speech and writing although note form does it. For instance, I might write “Went to the shop” in my diary, although only if the day was particularly boring or I wanted to indicate I was breaking the Sabbath or something. There’s also “Would Madam like some wine?” or “Your Majesty”, “Your Grace”, “Your Worship” and so forth, although these last three include possessive adjectives similar in form to pronouns. The situation in Vietnamese, previously mentioned, seems to be that kinship terms are used instead of the second person.

What’s the minimum number of personal pronouns a language could get away with? Although the answer is obviously “zero”, because it could just use nouns, or each pronoun could have a use as a noun, which happens for example with “Ich” in German, I think the sensible answer is probably two, similarly to “this” and “that”. There’s “this person”/”these people” and “that person or thing”, meaning “you” or “she”/”he”/”it”/”they”. The fact that Gothic doesn’t distinguish between “this” and “that” might indicate that only one is needed, but that language had plenty of other pronouns which might indicate how it coped with that odd deficit. At the other end of the scale, there could be singular, dual, trial, paucal and plural numbers, inclusive and exclusive “we” and “you”, a three-person based system for the third and fourth persons and polite forms for all of them in five genders per person, those being feminine, indefinite gender, neuter, common, masculine and virile (a gender for male persons used in Polish). This technically yields five hundred pronouns, although some of them might make no sense. It can in fact be taken a lot further than that, but five hundred might be enough.

The Youth Of Today

There’s an Ancient Greek play, maybe by Aristophanes, where a market trader complains about the young people of his day, that they no longer show the respect he used to in his youth and so forth. I haven’t seen it, so I can’t really go into much detail, but it’s telling how the exact same sentiments could be expressed more than two thousand years later. This strongly suggests that the youth of today are in no way more “snowflaky”, feckless, disrespectful or lazy than any other youth of any other day.

Were I to be asked, I would probably say that youth is the period from about eighteen to twenty-five, although the duodecimal system also provides quite a nice division from twelve to twenty-four which conveniently ends at the age when the brain stops growing. Anyway, for me, the first version of that would’ve been from 1985 to 1993, which spans the period between just before I left home to just after I got married. At that point, the norm for English middle-class youth would be that after they did their A-levels at an FE college or a sixth form from sixteen to eighteen, they would leave home and either get a job straight out of school or go to university, polytechnic or an HE college in a distant town or city, study a degree for three years living in a Hall of Residence or private rented accommodation from a small-scale landlord while receiving a grant, then hopefully get a well-paid professional job before settling down and getting married in their mid-twenties and probably paying a mortgage and becoming a homeowner. This situation was the norm from probably soon after the War until 1989, after which various processes changed things, notably the Tory introduction of student loans, followed by various other happenings, which in fact didn’t do a lot of natural Conservative voters much good, such as the replacement of small private landlords by massive private firms building new student accommodation, which incidentally is how this blog started. Yet for some reason, it doesn’t seem to put them off voting for them, and because the older generation is more likely to vote Conservative, this also leads to them complaining about the Youth of Today when in fact it’s the policies of the party they voted for that led to them being put in their current position. I presume that their response would be that it results from their own laziness and might attribute the cause to the policies of New Labour and their effect on schooling and parenting, although this is now beginning to recede into the past and put the Government in a similar position to that of the Tories in the late ’90s after what proved to be eighteen years of the same party in power.

What we have now, in any case, is the “Boomerang” phenomenon of young people either leaving home for university and returning to live with their parents, not uncommonly into their thirties, which of course means they no longer count as youth. Since more students go to university locally now, this means in turn that they may not leave home at all. Those of us of a certain vintage may be tempted to see this as a backwards step, but in fact it bears some resemblance to life before the Great Transformation, when life stages consisted not so much of childhood, youth and adulthood as the stages before and after marriage, and before it they would probably have lived with their parents. The causes of this are multiple, but include low wages and internships, high rent, fragile romantic relationships and a precarious job market. Three and a half million single young people in the UK are now thought to live with their parents, up one third over the last decade. Research at Loughborough University has led to the claim that this situation is now permanent. The statistics break down as follows:

  • 71% of single adults in their early twenties live at home.
  • 54% are still with their parents in their late twenties.
  • 33% are still there in their early thirties.

I should probably point out at this point that Covid-19 has exacerbated this trend due to such factors as job losses, the restriction on higher education and banning people from moving home, and the takeaway from this is that although the pandemic probably means the data and research are obsolete, it would have accelerated the trend. Stagnating wages and insecure employment would do the same. In 1996, 55% of twenty-five to thirty-four year olds were “home owners” (actually meaning they were paying mortgages and therefore effectively renting their houses off banks or building societies). By 2016, this had fallen to 34% and there’s no reason to suppose it won’t fall further. To spell out the causes, they amount to rising property prices and low incomes for young people as well as their perception that they’re in debt (see the other blog post for an explanation of that description of the situation).

At the same time as all of this, and probably in connection with some aspects of the boomerang situation or its causes, mental illness has famously reached epidemic proportions among young adults. Between 2007 and 2018, universities reported a fivefold increase in disclosure of mental health conditions from 9 675 to 57 305 despite a fairly small rise in student numbers. This may be partly caused by an increased willingness of young people to talk about their feelings, but there are ways of disentangling the underlying reality from that possibility. For a rather younger age group of thirteen to sixteen year olds, A&E admissions for self-harm rose 68%. One in ten children and young people are estimated to have mental health problems and 70% do not receive sufficiently early intervention. Typical problems in that cohort are depression, generalised anxiety disorder and conduct disorder.

As a break for the unrelenting gloom I suspect this post is emanating, possible ways of helping this situation include good physical health, being part of a well-functioning family, taking part in local activities having the chance to enjoy themselves, hope, optimism, the opportunity to learn, feeling loved, trusted, valued and safe, accepting who they are, a sense of agency and belonging, knowing what they’re good at and resilience.

Risk factors for mental health issues in young people would include the opposite of all of those, and also such things as bullying, being a carer for an infirm adult such as a parent who is also physically or mentally ill, long term educational problems, poverty, homelessness, being in a group subject to prejudice, bereavement, a family history of mental illness (note that this is multiplicative because of the aspect of being a carer along with environmental factors of other kinds and genetics) and parental separation. I would contend that many of these risks are greater due to government policy, and before you go thinking I’m blaming the Tories I would also include Blair’s and Brown’s terms and the policies made under them in that, for example in education. But clearly the crisis in the NHS, rise in homelessness and the creation of a world fit for no-one in the past decade don’t help.

The results include PTSD, generalised anxiety disorders, eating disorders, self-harm and depression, and an environment in which ADHD is seen as a problem, or maybe I should say a disabling environment which fails to make the most of or accommodate people with ADHD. This brings me to the first organisation I want to link to: PAPYRUS. This is a charity aiming to prevent young people ending their lives, and it gives the following advice regarding helping people avoid doing this: listen non-judgementally, don’t be afraid to mention the S-word, be direct, try to stay calm. One young person in four has had suicidal ideation, so it’s common and this may help break down the taboo, and mentioning it won’t provoke them into doing it by giving them the idea because they’ve already had it. It can happen to anyone and you aren’t expected to solve the problem. You might want to pass them on to a professional who can help.

CALM is another group aiming to help men with depression. 75% of people who kill themselves are male. I don’t have much to say about it than that.

Then there’s the issue of Pathological Social Withdrawal or ひきこもり- hikikomori, and at this point I need to make a bit of a digression because before I go into this I need to point out the issue of 日本人論 – Nihonjiron, or Japanese exceptionalism. Nihonjiron translates as “Japanese Theory” and is something which both certain Japanese and Westerners are keen on to an extent which could be seen as nationalist from within and racist from without. There is a cluster of hypotheses intended to support the idea that Japan is unique, to the extent that in extreme cases it’s even been claimed that the Japanese people are descended from different primates than the rest of the human race. It is true that East Asians have more Neanderthal DNA than other people but this probably isn’t what they mean and doesn’t amount to them specifically having a radically different genetic makeup. The Japanese are seen as an isolated island race, ethnically homogenous (they aren’t, because of the Ainu for example), having a unique language (it’s a linguistic isolate but has a lot in common with other SOV languages and drops pronouns in a similar way to the Chinese dialects, and also has some features in common with Korean, to which it was thought to be related) which leads to a fusion of the ego with others, and social structures which are filial rather than “horizontal” (e.g. tiger parenting and not wanting to disappoint one’s parents and grandparents). Of course Japan has various features which are unusual, although I tend to think many of them are shared with Britain, but there’s an element of caricature and looking at the Japanese people as if they’re laboratory specimens to me in some of this, and it can be very unhelpful not to recognise the commonalities which also exist, one of which is hikikomori, also known, perhaps more helpfully, as Pathological Social Withdrawal. This is not to ignore the particular pressures Japanese youth find themselves under, but please remember that the following description tends to apply more broadly than just in Japan.

Hikikomori literally means “pulling inward”. The textbook case is of someone who has for a long time stayed in their room all day and doesn’t socialise. The situation began in the 1990s with the Japanese recession, and affects 1.2% of the Japanese population. It’s often precipitated by perceived academic failure or inability to get a particular job. However, it isn’t confined to young people and is also found throughout the adult life span and has another peak late in life. There may be connections with depression, autism, agoraphobia and social anxiety. Parents often need to devote a fair bit of time and energy to ensure the long term security of their children. Help is often unavailable because by its very nature the problem is hidden, and there’s also the usual problem of it not being dramatic or visible, like many situations of poor mental health. I imagine that attempts to model the English education, or rather schooling, system on those of the Far East really don’t help with the situation here. But we need to recognise that this is not a uniquely Japanese problem and that it exists here in Northwestern Europe.

To finish, I want to address one more issue which is sometimes mentioned in connection with depression: the question of exercise. A few years ago, an academic investigation into the relationship between exercise and addressing depression was undertaken which appeared to demonstrate that it didn’t help. Two groups were surveyed over a one year period, one of which had pharmaceutical and counselling and the other of which had both plus information on exercise opportunities. The problem with this study is that it ignores the issue of psychomotor retardation. The problem is motivation and the sheer physical ability to exercise at all. One feature of depression and several other illnesses, including schizophrenia, Parkinson’s disease, generalised anxiety disorder and disordered eating (and I feel the need to add here that thinking of illnesses as entities in themselves may not be particularly respectful of people diagnosed as mentally ill but I have a lot of plates spinning here), is reduced physical movement and slowed thinking. This can lead to empathy breaking down because someone who is not suffering this, and perhaps never has, apparently easy, everyday tasks are not done, and it may also appear to them that this is an easily overcome problem. This is of course part of the famous “snap out of it” idea of depression, that it’s an easily solved problem and almost sinful in nature. You can’t expect someone who literally cannot even get out of bed to spend any time on a gym treadmill or going for a run.

To use a cliché, the current situation is a perfect storm for young adults. The political situation has led to difficulty in holding down or even getting paid work, affording accommodation or, at the moment, even getting out of the house. There’s also an epidemic in mental illness within that age group for a number of reasons, and it should also be borne in mind that they are, as far as they’re concerned, facing a potentially grim prospect regarding the state of the planet which their predecessors don’t seem interested in doing anything about at all. Many of them would therefore also withdraw. So I suppose what I’m saying is, don’t blame them. Much of this is the doing of the previous generations and we are not used to living in their world.